Category Archives: Research

Important works of research

Berlin authorities placed children with pedophiles for 30 years…


Date: June 24, 2020

01) Berlin authorities placed children with pedophiles for 30 years

Thanks to feinmann!

“The ‘Kentler Project’ in West Berlin routinely placed homeless children with pedophile men, assuming they’d make ideal foster parents. A study has found the practice went on for decades.

Starting in the 1970s psychology professor Helmut Kentler conducted his “experiment.” Homeless children in West Berlin were intentionally placed with pedophile men. These men would make especially loving foster parents, Kentler argued.

A study conducted by the University of Hildesheim has found that authorities in Berlin condoned this practice for almost 30 years. The pedophile foster fathers even received a regular care allowance.

Helmut Kentler (1928-2008) was in a leading position at Berlin’s center for educational research. He was convinced that sexual contact between adults and children was harmless.

Berlin’s child welfare offices and the governing Senate turned a blind eye or even approved of the placements.

What they found was a “network across educational institutions,” the state youth welfare office and the Berlin Senate, in which pedophilia was “accepted, supported, defended.”

To the people presuming this was allegedly so monstrous and traumatic…I don’t even know how you can live with yourselves, displaying that level of prejudice and bigotry.

We need more forward thinking people like Helmut Kentler in this world…at least he was trying something reasonable in good faith, instead of allowing the status quo, hand ringing nannies to run everything into insanity with their failed social model and policies.

Helmut Kentler was a true hero, within our species…the likes of which you just never see.

…and now they’re trying to drag him through the mud.


Does Maltreatment in Childhood Affect Sexual Orientation in Adulthood?…


Date: June 23, 2020

01) Does Maltreatment in Childhood Affect Sexual Orientation in Adulthood?

02) PDF

Thanks to Flashraid99!


Epidemiological studies find a positive association between physical and sexual abuse, neglect, and witnessing violence in childhood and same-sex sexuality in adulthood, but studies directly assessing the association between these diverse types of maltreatment and sexuality cannot disentangle the causal direction because the sequencing of maltreatment and emerging sexuality is difficult to ascertain. Nascent same-sex orientation may increase risk of maltreatment; alternatively, maltreatment may shape sexual orientation. Our study used instrumental variable models based on family characteristics that predict maltreatment but are not plausibly influenced by sexual orientation (e.g., having a stepparent) as natural experiments to investigate whether maltreatment might increase the likelihood of same-sex sexuality in a nationally representative sample (n = 34,653). In instrumental variable models, history of sexual abuse predicted increased prevalence of same-sex attraction by 2.0 percentage points (95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.4, 2.5), any same-sex partners by 1.4 percentage points (95% CI = 1.0, 1.9), and same-sex identity by 0.7 percentage points (95% CI = 0.4, 0.9). Effects of sexual abuse on men’s sexual orientation were substantially larger than on women’s. Effects of non-sexual maltreatment were significant only for men and women’s sexual identity and women’s same-sex partners. While point estimates suggest much of the association between maltreatment and sexual orientation may be due to the effects of maltreatment on sexual orientation, confidence intervals were wide. Our results suggest that causal relationships driving the association between sexual orientation and childhood abuse may be bidirectional, may differ by type of abuse, and may differ by sex. Better understanding of this potentially complex causal structure is critical to developing targeted strategies to reduce sexual orientation disparities in exposure to abuse.
Keywords: Sexual Behavior, Child Abuse, Homosexuality, Instrumental Variable Models, Sexual Orientation.


Epidemiological studies find a positive association between childhood maltreatment and same-sex sexuality in adulthood, with lesbians and gay men reporting 1.6 to 4 times greater prevalence of sexual and physical abuse than heterosexuals (Corliss, Cochran, & Mays, 2002; Hughes, Haas, Razzano, Cassidy, & Matthews, 2000; Roberts, Austin, Corliss, Vandermorris, & Koenen, 2010; Saewyc et al., 2006). Four explanations have been proposed for this association. The first is that nascent same-sex sexuality causes childhood maltreatment, through two pathways: (1) adolescents who reveal their same-sex sexual orientation are targeted for maltreatment (D’Augelli & Grossman, 2001; Saewyc et al., 2006); and (2) adolescents exploring same-sex attractions may put themselves in risky situations, increasing likelihood of maltreatment (Corliss et al., 2002; Holmes & Slap, 1998). A second explanation proposes that sexual orientation minorities disproportionately exhibit gender-nonconforming behaviors in childhood (Rieger, Linsenmeier, Gygax, & Bailey, 2008; Roberts, Rosario, Corliss, Koenen, & Austin, 2012) and are targeted for maltreatment (Alanko et al., 2010).

A third explanation is that reported differences are attributable to differential recall of maltreatment by sexual orientation, due either to self-reflection during the coming out process or to differential willingness to endorse stigmatizing experiences (Corliss et al., 2002). A fourth explanation is that maltreatment increases likelihood of same-sex sexuality. Four pathways have been hypothesized: (1) maltreatment may cause loss of self-worth and create a stigmatized identity in victims; therefore, maltreated persons with same-sex preferences may be more willing to adopt another stigmatized identity, namely minority sexual orientation (Saewyc et al., 2006);(2) sexual abuse, perpetrated primarily by men, causes boys to believe they are homosexual (Gartner, 1999); (3) sexual abuse of girls by male perpetrators causes victims to be aversive to sexual relationships with men (Marvasti & Dripchak, 2004); and (4) sexual abuse of boys by men “teaches” homosexuality (Cameron & Cameron, 1995, 1996) (see also LeVay, 1996).

Interpretation of the association between exposure to maltreatment and sexual orientation is politically sensitive. Maltreatment is associated with many adverse health outcomes (Chermack, Stoltenberg, Fuller, & Blow, 2000; Riley, Wright, Jun, Hibert, & Rich-Edwards, 2010; Wegman & Stetler, 2009); thus, if maltreatment increases likelihood of same-sex sexual orientation, this finding may stigmatize same-sex sexual orientation by association. Furthermore, belief that sexual orientation is mutable rather than fixed has led to potentially traumatizing attempts to “cure” homosexuality, although belief that sexual orientation is biologically determined before birth has also led to attempts to “cure” homosexuality (LeVay, 1996). Despite possible political uses or misuses of scientific results, understanding the causal structure behind higher prevalence of maltreatment in sexual orientation minorities is important so that effective interventions can be designed to prevent maltreatment and to ameliorate possible sexual orientation disparities in maltreatment-related health outcomes (Institute of Medicine, 2011).

The causal structure driving the association between maltreatment and same-sex sexuality could be studied prospectively through repeated measures of maltreatment, gender nonconformity, and emerging sexual orientation during childhood. However, for ethical reasons, when childhood maltreatment is assessed in participants under age 18, mandated reporting requirements apply. Thus, in most prospective studies of children, maltreatment is assessed retrospectively in adulthood (Fergusson, Horwood, Ridder, & Beautrais, 2005). In cross-sectional studies of adults, age at which gender nonconforming behaviors appeared may be hard to recollect, and current sexual orientation may bias recollections of nonconformity. Thus, ascertaining the chronology of nonconformity, maltreatment, and emerging sexual orientation is challenging. Conventional statistical techniques directly assessing the association between maltreatment and same-sex sexual orientation cannot distinguish whether emergent same-sex sexual orientation leads to maltreatment or whether maltreatment leads to same-sex sexual orientation, or whether a third unmeasured variable is a common cause of both maltreatment and same-sex sexual orientation. However, instrumental variable analysis can provide statistically consistent estimates of the effect of an exposure on an outcome even when bidirectional causation or unmeasured common causes of the exposure and outcome may exist (Angrist & Krueger, 2001; Greenland, 2000).

In this study, we present instrumental variable analyses that use natural experiments involving factors that increase risk of childhood maltreatment but are not known to be influenced by or to directly influence nascent sexual orientation (Angrist, Imbens, & Rubin, 1996). Several family characteristics, namely, presence of a stepparent, poverty, parental alcohol abuse, and parental mental illness, are established risk factors for maltreatment (Administration on Children Youth and Families, 2007; Bays, 1990; Ronan, Canoy, & Burke, 2009) but are not plausibly affected by a child’s nascent sexual orientation. We therefore used these family characteristics as instrumental variables to estimate the effect of maltreatment on sexual orientation. Because instrumental variables analyses, to our knowledge, have not been used in sexuality research, we describe the approach here and contrast the assumptions under which our analysis or a conventional analysis could identify the effect of maltreatment on sexual orientation.


Numerous studies document an association between childhood physical and sexual abuse, neglect, and witnessing violence in childhood and same-sex sexuality. The present study used instrumental variable methods to analyze data from natural experiments to provide novel evidence that maltreatment may shape sexual orientation. Although no psychosocial determinants of sexual orientation have been demonstrated, studies using other samples have reported associations between same-sex sexuality and parental depression, parental substance use, and changes in caregivers during childhood, factors potentially associated with our instruments (Corliss, Austin, Roberts, & Molnar, 2009; Fergusson, Horwood, Ridder, & Beautrais, 2005). Furthermore, a recent large population-based twin study indicated that individual-specific environmental factors accounted for between 0.61 and 0.66 of the variance in same-sex sexual behavior in both sexes, a moderate to large effect of environment on same-sex sexuality (Langstrom, Rahman, Carlstrom, & Lichtenstein, 2010), raising the question of whether those environmental factors might include psychosocial influences.

Our results relied on the strong assumption that the instruments did not affect sexual orientation directly or through pathways other than abuse or maltreatment and that no omitted factors, including genes (Zietsch, Verweij, Bailey, Wright, & Martin, 2011), affected both the instruments and sexual orientation. Alternative explanations for the associations that we report should, therefore, focus on factors that influence both childhood family characteristics and sexual orientation. We consider this a fertile area for future empirical research. Such research is especially important because showing violations of the instrumental variable assumptions entails demonstrating other factors that determine sexual orientation. We are aware of one study that suggests there may be common genetic causes of same-sex sexual orientation and personality factors (Zietsch et al., 2011). The personality factors studied may increase risk for exposure to our instruments.

The associations of sexual orientation with our instruments were entirely attenuated in models including childhood maltreatment and sexual abuse. In other words, there was no elevated frequency of same-sex sexuality in persons with stepparents in early childhood, poverty, parental mental illness or alcohol abuse, except for children who were maltreated or abused. This would be unlikely to be the case were these factors associated with sexual orientation due to pleiotropic genetic effects, which would function irrespective of maltreatment status. Persons willing to identify as homosexual or bisexual may also be more willing to report parental alcohol abuse, mental illness, or poverty. We emphasize results using stepparent as an instrumental variable, because we expect that quality of retrospective reporting for this factor is likely to be the most reliable and reporting is unlikely to be affected by sexual orientation.

Our results suggest that from half to all of the increased prevalence of childhood sexual abuse experienced by sexual orientation minorities compared with heterosexuals may be due to the effects of sexual abuse on sexual orientation, possibly through previously proposed pathways: (1) abuse of boys perpetrated by men causes boys to believe they are gay; (2) abuse of girls by men leads them to be averse to sexual relationships with men; (3) abuse survivors may feel stigmatized and different from others and may, therefore, be more willing to behave in ways that are socially stigmatized, including acknowledging same-sex attraction or having same-sex partners (Saewyc et al., 2006). If this third pathway is a primary mechanism behind our findings, it follows that the true prevalence of same-sex sexuality is far higher than presently estimated by surveys: among participants with a high level of sexual abuse, 8.9% of men were gay or bisexual and 5.1% of women were lesbian or bisexual (versus, respectively, 1.3% and 1.0% among persons not abused). It would also follow that in societies where same-sex sexuality is more accepted and less stigmatized, prevalence of same-sex sexual orientation would be higher and sexual orientation disparities in abuse would be lower. This hypothesis could be tested by examining sexual orientation prevalence and abuse disparities across countries differing in acceptance of minority sexual orientation.

Other pathways may also link abuse and maltreatment with sexual orientation. Research in related fields suggests possible hormonal and behavioral mechanisms linking diverse types of maltreatment with sexuality. In animals, estrogen and related neuropeptides oxytocin and arginine vasopressin are involved in pair bonding, sexual behaviors, and the expression of gender-typical behavior, and may serve similar functions in humans (Cushing & Kramer, 2005; Lim & Young, 2006). Quality of parenting affects expression of estrogen, oxytocin, vasopressin, and their receptors in offspring, and has been hypothesized to affect later sexual behavior through epigenetic changes, particularly in the stria terminalis and the medial amygdala, brain regions that regulate social behavior (Cushing & Kramer, 2005). Thus, abuse and maltreatment may affect sexual orientation through biological mechanisms responsive to postnatal social environment.

Maltreatment, including sexual abuse, can have persistent effects on mood and behavior, which may increase likelihood of same-sex sexuality. Maltreatment causes emotional numbing, motivating survivors to seek stronger stimuli to experience positive states, leading to novelty-seeking and risk-taking behaviors (Fergusson & Horwood, 1998), which have been associated with same-sex sexuality (Fergusson, Horwood, Ridder, & Beautrais, 2005). Maltreatment also increases risk of substance abuse (Browne & Finkelhor, 1986), which may, in turn, increase likelihood of acting on same-sex attraction through disinhibition. Moreover, maltreatment leads to stress, depression, and anger (Briere & Elliott, 1994). The drive for intimacy and sex to repair depressed, stressed, or angry moods (Shrier, Shih, Hacker, & de Moor, 2007) may increase the likelihood of same-sex partners and attractions. Maltreatment also increases risk for borderline personality disorder, which has been associated with non-heterosexual orientation (Singh, McMain, & Zucker, 2011). To the extent these mechanisms exist, changes in social acceptance of minority sexual orientation will likely not affect differences in the prevalence of history of early childhood maltreatment by sexual orientation.

Maltreatment may also influence sex of partners and sexual orientation identity through housing insecurity, because young adults may sever connections to families subsequent to abuse. Poorly-housed youth may trade sex for housing, money or drugs (Greene, Ennett, & Ringwalt, 1999). For men especially, this sex work may involve same-sex sexual acts. Having had same-sex sexual contact, whether as victims of abuse or for compensation, people may be more likely to consider themselves bisexual or homosexual (Gartner, 1999). Our finding that sexual partners and identity were more strongly influenced by abuse for men than for women is in keeping with these hypothesized pathways. However, these pathways do not explain the strong estimated effect of sexual abuse on men’s attraction.

Prior research has indicated that women’s sexual orientation changes more across the lifespan than does men’s (Kinnish, Strassberg, & Turner, 2005; Ott, Corliss, Wypij, Rosario, & Austin, 2011), suggesting that women’s sexual orientation may be more readily influenced by environmental factors. Our findings do not support this hypothesis with regard to childhood abuse, although we know of no studies that compare male and female changes in sexual orientation in response to environmental exposures. Moreover, women and men in our sample were most likely exposed to sexual abuse that was qualitatively different. Because men are the principal perpetrators of sexual abuse of both boys and girls (Holmes & Slap, 1998; Vogeltanz et al., 1999), most men in our sample were likely exposed to same-sex abuse, while most women were likely exposed to opposite-sex abuse; thus, it is difficult to generalize from our findings to sex differences in response to environmental exposures more broadly.

Our results should be considered in the context of three further limitations. First, childhood measures were assessed retrospectively; therefore, recall error could attenuate estimates. A substantial minority of adults with court-documented abuse do not report abuse retrospectively (Williams, 1994). Second, because the NESARC questionnaire did not exclude unwanted encounters when asking about sexual partners, and because sexual abuse perpetrators are overwhelmingly male (Holmes & Slap, 1998), men may be referring to an abuser when they endorse same-sex partners. However, this limitation does not apply to results for same-sex attraction or identity or to any of the results for women. Third, the instrumented analyses estimated the effect of abuse and maltreatment among participants who were maltreated as a consequence of poverty, parental alcohol abuse, parental mental illness or having a stepparent. These estimates may not apply to people who were maltreated under other circumstances.

Our results suggest that the causal relationships driving the association between sexual orientation and abuse and maltreatment may be bidirectional, may differ by type of maltreatment, and may differ by sex. Better understanding of this potentially complex causal structure is critical to developing targeted strategies to reduce sexual orientation disparities in maltreatment. Our findings indicated that sexual abuse may increase the likelihood of the three dimensions of same-sex sexuality for both sexes, and that non-sexual maltreatment may affect sexual orientation identity and women’s same-sex sexual partnering. While point estimates suggest that much of the association between maltreatment and sexual orientation may be due to the effects of maltreatment on sexual orientation, rather than the reverse, confidence intervals were wide. Results were, therefore, also consistent with approximately half the association between sexual abuse and minority sexual orientation being due to nascent sexual orientation leading to increased risk of maltreatment, and all or nearly all of the association between non-sexual maltreatment and sexual orientation being due to sexual orientation leading to maltreatment. Whether maltreatment influences sexuality or sexuality influences maltreatment, or both, public health interventions to increase tolerance and reduce assault and harassment of sexual orientation minorities are needed.”

Problem with the term “abuse” being related to anything, is that pretty much everything hinges on how broadly it is defined. They could “make a connection” to anything, including heterosexuality, if they wanted…It’s smoke and mirrors.

Of course…this study looks to be saying that abuse occurred more often for people who turned out to be homosexual, but they don’t know that the abuse influenced them in any way to be homosexual…Though, obviously, it still poses the question of whether “abuse” increases homosexuality.


Childhood Sexuality…


Date: June 21, 2020

01) Childhood Sexuality

Thanks to Flashraid99!

“Many children begin to explore their genitals as infants, and some instances of childhood masturbation have been visible in the mother’s womb.3 Children have tendencies to touch themselves while their diapers are being changed and have visible signs of being aroused (such as a male body having an erection). Like all humans, babies learn via their senses and quickly figure out that touching certain areas of their bodies yields pleasure.

Some children begin to masturbate far prior to puberty. A study of infants and children aged four months to 42 months in Jordan showed that all the children who were observed had masturbated, usually multiple times per day.4 Oftentimes signs of masurbation such as tightening the things, rocking back and forth, rhythmic activities, grunting, facial flushing, and sweating during self-stimilation were misinterpreted as cause for medical concern by parents. The study mentioned that many parents may feel embarrassed upon discovering their young child maturbating, and that a lack of discussing the event can lead to further isolation and increased masturbation in the child.4 Other studies have confirmed that most children have masturbated in some form before the age of two.5

Children usually masturbate by rubbing their thighs together, directly touching their genitals, or rubbing the genitals against objects like pillows or a mattress. It is rare to see a child insert anything inside of their genitals, but some may discover that this is pleasurable as well.

…Many children receive typically negative reactions from their parents when they are found masturbating, but self-stimulation is actually a natural form of self-exploration. This behavior should not be punished or discouraged, as long as the social context is appropriate. Children should be taught not that self-exploration is dirty or bad, but rather that masturbation is a private matter and should not be performed in public. Negative responses from others will probably not reduce the frequency of masturbation, but will most likely increase the guilt and anxiety that children may feel when engaging in self-touch.6 Reacting with punishment and disapproval should be avoided, since it can lead to lifelong problems of shame and sexual guilt.

The majority of sexual play between children starts to emerge between the ages of four and seven. Empirical data indicates that children’s playing in a sexual manner is extremely common and generally harmless.7 Sexual play during this age often includes behaviors such as playing “house” or playing “doctor.” These behaviors usually model social scripts that children observe (such as seeing their parents hug and hold hands) as well as explore curiousities that many children have (such as seeing what the “private parts” of other children look like). This play is motivated by children’s curiosity involving social interaction, societal roles, and the bodies of others. Children see how their parents and other adults act and mimic what they see. Children might display affection to their friends by hugging and kissing, or even attempting to touch each other’s genitals, which is not uncommon…Sexual play between children can cause harm if the acts are non-consensual or hurtful, in which case parents should intervene.

Other common behaviors in children include sexual play encounters with those of the same sex. This usually occurs because boys and girls often play separately. While parents may be surprised to find their child has the desire to explore sexual play with a peer of the same sex, this is usually not an indication of any long-term sexual identity. In other words, children engaging in same-sex sexual play is not necessarily an indication of a homosexual identity, just as children engaging in other-sex sexual play is not necessarily an indication of heterosexual identities.

While consensual activities such as playing “house,” kissing, or viewing others genitals are normal amongst children, there are other behaviors that are uncommon and cause for concern. These include coersive, frequent, or aggressive behaviors by children.

…It is imporant to teach children to respect consent from a young age (in all situations, not just sexual ones). Professionals recommend that parents and caretakers conduct age-appropriate lessons about topics such as “good touch” versus “bad touch” and body safety with their children starting around the age of three.8″

It seems fairly well known among researchers, that children typically do have same sex experiences early on, even if they are heterosexual.

There is a lot that could be said, about what has been quoted here.


Clinical Report – The Evaluation of Sexual Behaviors in Children…


June 05, 2020

01) Clinical Report – The Evaluation of Sexual Behaviors in Children

02) Article Figures & Data – Tabes

Thanks to flashraid99!

“Sexual behaviors are common in children. More than 50% of children will engage in some type of sexual behavior before their 13th birthday.5,6 In 1 retrospective study of 339 child welfare and mental health professionals in which participants were asked about their own experiences before 13 years of age, 73% recalled engaging in sexual behaviors with other children, 34% recalled showing their genitals to another child, 16% recalled simulating intercourse with another child, and 5% recalled inserting an object in the vagina or rectum of another child.7 Another study8 of female undergraduates reported that 26% recalled exposing themselves, 17% recalled unclothed genital touching, and 4% recalled oral-genital contact during childhood.”


Sexual behaviors of children according to American Academy of Pediatrics – flashraid99

I directly knew prepubescent children, when I was a kid myself…who explicitly had sex with each other…repeatedly, on a semi-regular basis…I’ve written about and referenced it a number of times, over the decades…

It is anecdotal, of course…but it’s one of the major reasons why I have no hesitation or qualms, over accepting that children in fact are sexual beings…I’ve seen it first hand…Anyone rejecting this fact about children, is either ignorant or a liar.

Some people will quibble and reject, behind the declaration that “children don’t know what they’re doing, nor every imaginable consequence possible”…

…Well…La Te Da!…So?…And?…

…This has absolutely no barring, on whether or not children are sexual human beings, nor on what they are inclined by nature to do.

From what I have seen…children are quite horny little creatures, very enthusiastic to engage in fun sexual activities when given the chance.

Am I to believe that all the children who have engaged in these sorts of activities, are absolute freaks of nature?


The Neurobiology and Psychology of Pedophilia: Recent Advances and Challenges [2015]…


June 01, 2020

01) The Neurobiology and Psychology of Pedophilia: Recent Advances and Challenges

Thanks to flashraid99!

“Research found that the activations seen in heterosexual and homosexual pedophiles to child stimuli are nearly indistinguishable from those in heterosexual and homosexual healthy males to adult stimuli (Ponseti et al., 2012); this supports the assumption that pedophilia is primarily a sexual age preference similarly to teleiophilia. The activation pattern among heterosexual and homosexual pedophiles and healthy male teleiophiles includes the caudate nucleus, cingulate cortex, insula, fusiform gyrus, temporal cortex, occipital cortex, thalamus, amygdala, and cerebellum. Despite the similarity in activation patterns between pedophilic and teleiophilic men, the novel pattern classification technique has been successfully applied based on the presentation of preferred sexual stimuli and resulted in a mean accuracy of 95%, with 100% specificity and 88% sensitivity (Ponseti et al., 2012; Mohnke et al., 2014), thereby showing a promising new approach for classifying subjects.”


[This text] could help prove pedophilia as normal and not a paraphilia, this is because both non pedophiles and pedophiles were activated by the child stimuli. Note that it does mention that they were still able to group pedophiles based on their preference. However I think this clearly indicates how society impact the preference, as biologically they did feel the same, but likely refused it due to the negative information on pedophilia. – flashraid99

It’s been known for some time, that people who cannot be classified as “pedophiles” still have involuntary responses of sexual arousal to prepubescent children, at a rather high rate.

They’re not pedophiles, by way of the fact that prepubescent humans are not preferred by them…However, they still cannot turn off their automatic stimulation, when faced with the sex organs of another human being, regardless of that other human beings age.

Personally…I’ve always thought it was bunk, that there is supposedly some biological switch that “turns off” sexual arousal to the genitalia [or other body part] of another…just because it is small, or hairless. The whole premise makes no sense.

In fact…I’d argue the gross, stinky hair and other developments that occur with the adult body, make the child body far more appealing…on average…

…But, I’m kind of biased…being a pedophile, and all. 😉


EPA-0284 – Pedophiles and (or) child molesters…


Date: May 05, 2020

01) EPA-0284 – Pedophiles and (or) child molesters

“It is often discussed whether sexual offenders of children are pedophiles or child molesters. It depends on exact definition and operationalization of the categories and on the difference between socio-legal and psychopathological classification. Practical question from forensic point of view is whether there are any differences between the group of ‘pedophiles’, who have sexually offended child and the group of child molesters, who do not meet criteria for pedophilia.

Experimental sample consists of 146 forensic cases (all men), they committed child molestation in years 2005–2012. According to the criteria (DSM-IV-TR) for pedophilia, penile plethysmography (PPG), actual clinical and case history data were used for the diagnosis determination. Obtained clinical and sociodemographic data were statistically evaluated.

Only a small part (16.2 %) of sexual offenders against children meet the criteria (DSM-IV-TR) for pedophilia. There is significant difference in occurrence of other psychopathological features between groups of ‘pedophiles’ and non-pedophilic ‘child molesters’, i.a. alcohol abuse/dependence, sexual dysfunction, personality disorder, increased aggressiveness, mental deficit, etc.

Research helps increase understanding of correlations and differences between terms that describe sexual offenders of children. It confirms the opinion that not all of child sexual offenders are pedophiles. Regarding pedophilia remains the problem of its definition in conditions of practical acceptance of courts.”


Study: Pornography Is Not A ‘Public Health Crisis’…


Date: January 14, 2020

01) Enochian: Porn is Not a Public Health Crisis

“The movement to declare pornography a public health crisis is rooted in an ideology that is antithetical to many core values of public health promotion and is a political stunt, not reflective of best available evidence,” the study, authored by Dr. Kimberly M. Nelson and Dr. Emily F. Rothman, reads.”

02) Study: Pornography Is Not A ‘Public Health Crisis’

“Researchers cited the following reasons for their conclusion: porn use has increased incrementally over time, and has never seen a sudden surge or reached a “tipping point.” Furthermore, it does not “directly or imminently” cause death, disease, property destruction, and population displacement. Porn also does not put a strain on local or national health systems.

On the contrary, the research team say that porn largely has varying effects on its users. Some will be negatively influenced by it, but the vast majority will see no real negative consequences from consuming porn. Surprisingly, they even say that some regular users even benefit from their habit…

“Moreover, pathologizing any form of sexual behavior, including pornography use, has the potential to restrict sexual freedom and to stigmatize, which is antithetical to public health,” the study concludes.”


Heraclitus’ River and Recent Advances in Criminal Psychology…


Date: January 13, 2020

01) Heraclitus’ River and Recent Advances in Criminal Psychology

“Among the most widespread misconceptions about sexual offending is the idea that every individual with pedophilic sexual interests is a child sexual abuser and every child sexual abuser is someone exhibiting pedophilic sexual preferences. In fact, less than 40% of sexual offenders against children can be considered to exhibit actual pedophilic preferences (e.g., Schmidt, Mokros, & Banse, 2013; Seto, 2009). Historically, most research on sexual interest in children has been based on convicted child sexual abusers, which may have biased these estimates – potentially many non-offending individuals with pedophilic preferences could be living their lives with no need of concern from the criminal justice system. Only recently, research has turned to individuals with pedophilic interest from non-forensic community populations (e.g., Cantor & McPhail, 2016; Dombert et al., 2016). Based on the abovementioned stereotype, men with pedophilic sexual interests are among the most stigmatized group in the field of mental disorders (Jahnke, Imhoff, & Hoyer, 2015). Specifically, stigmatization of men with pedophilic sexual interests is probably the only stigma in the field of stigma research that is regarded as socially desirable behavior (Imhoff, 2015). In the present Special Section, Jahnke (2018) gives a thoughtful overview on the counterintuitive repercussions that are linked to stigmatization of individuals with sexual interest in children and their perception of stigmatization stress. Jahnke’s intriguing focal idea is based on the notion that stigmatization stress is indirectly linked to increased risk of future child sexual abuse. So, people who stigmatize pedophilic sexual interest, equating it with child sexual abuse, run the risk of creating the very outcomes they profess to condemn.”


Students Want Professor Fired for Writing About ‘Pederasty’ but University of Texas Says It’s Protected Speech…


December 26, 2019

01) Students Want Professor Fired for Writing About ‘Pederasty’ but University of Texas Says It’s Protected Speech

Thanks to feinmann0!

“A group of students at the University of Texas are calling for the firing of a classics professor who has written extensively on “pederasty”—socially acknowledged romantic relationships between adult men and teen boys—in ancient Greece.

Students claim Thomas Hubbard’s academic work “advocates for violent crime against teen boys” and is being celebrated in online communities that promote pedophilia. In writings reviewed by The Austin American-Stateman, which first reported on the clash, the professor of classics at UT’s College of Liberal Arts calls physical relationships between men and boys in ancient societies a “proper learning experience.”

Separately, in 2010, Hubbard reportedly wrote an article analyzing sexual consent among young boys in antiquity, calling current age of consent laws a “sad by-product” of a “naive and self-righteous era” comparable to prohibition.

“Contemporary American legislation premised on children’s incapacity to ‘consent’ to sexual relations stems from outmoded gender constructions and ideological preoccupations of the late Victorian and Progressive Era,” Hubbard reportedly wrote in the peer-reviewed journal Thymos: Boyhood Studies. “We should consider a different ‘age of consent’ for boys and girls.”

Thomas Hubbard has reportedly called age of consent laws a “sad by-product” of a “self-righteous era.” Students say his work “advocates for violent crime against teen boys.”

University spokesperson Shilpa Bakre told The Daily Beast on Thursday “the university condemns ideas or world views that exploit or harm individuals” but that “the study of controversial and even offensive ideas is protected by academic freedom and the First Amendment—as is the right of others to strongly disagree with and draw attention to those ideas.”

Those poor, poor, feeble minded students!…

…Their triggered moral outrage must be a terrible, unimaginable burden to bare!

How dare they have to hear or contemplate, anything they’ve never had to hear or contemplate on a controversial matter?

… … …


It’s extremely good that the college did not meekly submit to these idiots…a rare example of some degree of integrity.

It sounds like these feeble minded students don’t even know, what they are getting in a huff over.


[New Book] Steven Angelides: The Fear of Child Sexuality – Young People, Sex, and Agency…

Date: August 19, 2019

01) The Fear of Child Sexuality – Young People, Sex, and Agency

“Continued public outcries over such issues as young models in sexually suggestive ads and intimate relationships between teachers and students speak to one of the most controversial fears of our time: the entanglement of children and sexuality. In this book, Steven Angelides confronts that fear, exploring how emotional vocabularies of anxiety, shame, and even contempt not only dominate discussions of youth sexuality but also allow adults to avoid acknowledging the sexual agency of young people. Introducing case studies and trends from Australia, the United Kingdom, and North America, he challenges assumptions on a variety of topics, including sex education, age-of-consent laws, and sexting. Angelides contends that an unwillingness to recognize children’s sexual agency results not in the protection of young people but in their marginalization.”

02) On Google Play

“Steven Angelides is affiliated with the Australian Research Centre in Sex, Health, and Society at La Trobe University and is an honorary senior research fellow in the Department of Modern History, Politics, and International Relations at Macquarie University. He is the author of A History of Bisexuality, also published by the University of Chicago Press.”

03) WorldCat